Studies in economic history by George Unwin Book 15 editions published between and in English and Undetermined and held by 32 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Industrial Laisser-Faire and the Policy of Cromwell
They support George Unwin's contention that the measures of the king and parliament were mainly opportunist rather than the expression of a definite financial policy. Industrial organization in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by George Unwin 1 edition published in in English and held by 24 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. The gilds and companies of London by George Unwin 1 edition published in in English and held by 24 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights by George Unwin Book 7 editions published between and in English and held by 23 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Finance and trade under Edward III by George Unwin 3 editions published between and in English and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide "These important essays, first published in , consider the various economic aspects of the reign of Edward III. The gilds and companies of London. With a new introd by George Unwin Book 3 editions published in in English and held by 12 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Sign, symbol, and script : an account of man's efforts to write by Hans Jensen Book 4 editions published between and in English and held by 10 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights; the industrial revolution at Stockport and Marple. Studies in economic history : collected papers by George Unwin Book 3 editions published in in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Industrial organization in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. By George Unwin.
With a new introduction by T. Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights : the industrial revolution at Stockport and Marple by George Unwin Book 4 editions published between and in English and Undetermined and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights : the industrial revolution at Stockport and Marple by George Unwin Book 3 editions published between and in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Audience Level. Related Identities. Associated Subjects. First of all, there is the element of restraint imposed upon the State by the character of the very agents whom it is bound to employ, the restraint that lies in the honourable esprit de corps and sense of social responsibility of the judicial and administrative functionaries who do its work. Secondly, there are the independent powers of local government I am thinking especially of England which are safeguarded from undue interference on the part of the State, and which have always served as the effectual basis of our parliamentary liberties.
Thirdly, there is the power of and the capacity for voluntary association, exemplified in the fact that the direction of the State itself is always in the hands of the representatives of one of two great voluntary associations known as political parties. The enormous difficulties of the situation in Russia at the present moment, for example, arise from the fact that none of these essential bases of constitutional freedom can be conceived of as possessing any very effectual solidity. And it is in the direction of strengthening these natural pillars of the con- stitution that the instinct of the Russian reformer is rightly turned.
There are no doubt many historic reasons to be given for the constitutional weakness of Russia, but the most fundamental, perhaps, is to be found in the shortness of its history as a civilized people. When Russia came into the European system, the great formative process by which our Western civilization has been built up was all but accomplished.
In that long and glorious work of social and political con- struction, which lasted from the I2th to the I7th centuries, Russia bore no effective part. During those six centuries Western Europe built up the town, and then on the basis of the town built up the nation. Without the town there could not have been the nation as we know it, because it was in the earlier centuries of town history that the three great essentials to a free national constitution already spoken of a sense of professional responsibility, the experience of self-government, and a capacity for voluntary association were painfully acquired.
Russia has no towns in this historic sense of the word. She has, comparatively speaking, no middle class ; that is why she has so many Jews. And her working class, such as it is, is not like our own, a working class inheriting largely the traditions and capacities of the middle class, but is composed of transplanted peasants of a social status resembling that of our own villeins in the days of Wat Tyler.
This brings us to the point at which we were aiming. If the town may be said to have built up the nation, what built up the town?
IX. The Livery Company in the Sixteenth Century | British History Online
If we answer that it was the gild, we must safe- guard ourselves from the possible consequences of our rashness. There are many theories of the origin of the town, mostly German, and every theorist is naturally zealous for the purity of his doctrine. Let us take shelter behind the wisdom of Aristotle. Everything, according to that eminent sociologist, has at least four causes the material, the efficient, the formal, and the final cause.
If we give the town the benefit of all four, there is room for a number of theorists to live and let live. The final cause of the town the end towards which it was unconsciously directed was, according to the theory we have been setting forth, the free self-governing nation. The material cause the stuff out of which the town was made differed no doubt in different cases : sometimes it was a village, sometimes a market at a ford, sometimes a military post, some- times a deliberately planted colony.
The formal cause the legal title by virtue of which its special rights were exercised this also varied in different cases, but is probably to be sought for in the creation of a separate and semi-independent juris- diction within a certain area. As to these causes we need not seek to dogmatize. What we are concerned with is the efficient cause or causes the nature of the social force which, apart from mere material conditions or constitutional forms, served to bring it into existence and to make it what it became.
The chief of these efficient causes was, I venture to think, the spirit of voluntary association, and that spirit found its most typical and widespread embodiment in the various forms of the gild. But it may here be asked, has not a doubt been raised as to whether the gild itself was a voluntary association? No doubt it was, or became, such an organ, but it was at the same time, and to a still greater extent, a voluntary organization.
The truth is that we cannot under- stand mediaeval history without getting rid of some of our clear-cut modern conceptions. The State, the municipality, and the individual, as we know them, did not exist in mediaeval times. They were each in a condition of becoming.
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They were helping each other to grow into their present definite shapes by constant interaction on each other. Each needed the counteracting influence of the other as a condition of healthy growth. If any of the three gained an undue pre- dominance, it not only weakened the rest but prepared the way for its own overthrow.
In the England of the early iQth century the individual overbore the commonwealth, until the factory inspector and the school inspector, with the newly created powers of self- government behind them, redressed the balance. But what has given the constitutional development of England its unique character is its exceptional continuity. The action and reaction which are absolutely necessary to growth have not taken violent forms. The State, the local community, and the voluntary association have grown up side by side, each recog- nizing the other spheres of action, and learning, however un willingly, to co-operate for the general good.
To speak, therefore, as we did of the nation as having been built up out of the town, and of the town as having been built up out of the gild, is clearly a ope-sided statement.
From one point of view the legal point of view it would almost be true to say that the State built up the town and the town built up the gild. There have always been forces from above meeting and co-operating with forces from below. But the forces from above have been mainly forces -of formulation, whilst the forces.
Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: Unwin, G.
A from below have been forces of germination. The forces from l above have been mainly concerned in establishing and main- taining an equilibrium which, indeed, is their natural function , while the forces from below have been more often bent on disturbing equilibrium in the interests of progress. Of the evils that follow the ascendency of the former class of influences, the decline and fall of the Roman Empire afford the most striking example.
The first five centuries of the Christian era, from Augustus to Justinian, culminating in the great code which still dominates the legal mind of Europe, constitute perhaps the greatest period of formulation that the world has ever seen. But the growth from below had ceased, and the vital force of the body politic slowly ebbed away. In the formalism of the Byzantine Empire there is a something that is almost Chinese, and the likeness would undoubtedly have become greater if the pressure of outside barbarism had not destroyed it. If we want to be quite clear that it was not the forces from above that called into existence the town and the gild of the Middle Ages, we have only to observe the influence of the all-powerful state on the similar institutions of the Roman Empire.
Voluntary association and the forms of local self-government were not wanting in the earlier days of the Empire, but overwhelming pressure from above gradually converted them into instruments of extortion and servitude. The trades and handicrafts which in the Middle Ages we see emerging by their own free effort from the bondage of custom, were under the Empire being steadily forced by deliberate legislation into the position of hereditary and semi-servile castes.
Was it due to the infusion of German blood, or to the infusion of Christian doctrine, or to some other still more occult cause?